FAN Bulletin #588
April 27, 2006
A wash out
Lessons must be learned from the notorious Camelford water contamination
incident
Michael Meacher
Wednesday April 26, 2006
The Guardian
On July 6 1988, a serious incident occurred that is still sending shockwaves
through medical, administrative and political circles. Although the
conclusions from the saga are still, 18 years on, not yet complete, it is a microcosm
of how badly public authorities can react when confronted with something
That date in 1988 was the day of the Camelford acid water incident in
Cornwall. Twenty tonnes of aluminium sulphate was accidentally dumped into the
wrong tank at Lowermoor water treatment works on the edge of Bodmin Moor. For
five days people were told the water was safe to drink, but that it should be
boiled - unfortunate advice, because boiling concentrated the contaminants.
Immediate symptoms included nausea and vomiting, skin rashes and mouth
ulcers. Others noted that their hair, skin or finger nails had been stained blue
or brown. No medical help was offered until local residents formed a
collective. They were told that because the incident was chemical not bacteriological,
it was deemed wholly a matter for the water company. But the medical officer
of the water company admitted he had no expertise in biochemistry.
The following month, an official from the Department of Health (DoH),
Michael Waring, wrote to every doctor in Cornwall saying that, although he had no
detailed information on what exactly was in the water or how much people might
Meanwhile, local Conservative MP Gerard Neal had assured his constituents
that he would seek a public inquiry. A few weeks later, he changed his mind and
told people they were not suffering real ill health but psychosomatic
symptoms led by the hysterical behaviour of the media. A year later, he was
congratulated in parliament by the then health secretary, who sympathised with him
because of the “troublemakers” he had had to deal with. It may be relevant
that, at this time, the Tory government was gearing up for water privatisation.
Also in August, Elizabeth Sigmund, a member of the local residents’
collective, contacted a senior toxicologist at the DoH, GK Matthews, to seek help and
advice. He suggested a team of medical experts should at once be sent to
North Cornwall. A month later, he said he had attended meeting after meeting in
the department at which he “was overruled”.
Public concern, however, did not abate, and in January 1989 the government
was forced to appoint a team of scientists to investigate. Dame Barbara
Clayton, famous for her report on whether lead in car exhaust fumes could damage
children’s health, was chosen as head.
The team flew to Camelford and interviewed several people who had suffered
ill health. It then held a press conference to give its view that the symptoms
being experienced could not be related to water. This report still did not
allay public anxieties and Clayton was asked to write a second. She concluded
again that her first conclusion was correct.
Surprising result
Meanwhile, in the summer of 1989, patients started to lose toe and finger
nails, and John Eastwood, a renal consultant at St George’s hospital, Tooting,
south London, was asked, as an independent initiative, to arrange two bone
biopsies on patients from North Cornwall. These showed a discrete layer of
aluminium in the deep bone - a surprising result that could not have resulted
from normal aluminium absorption. No official action was taken to follow up the
implications of this, and there the matter lay for a decade.
In 2000, I was asked as environment minister by the Liberal MP, Paul Tyler,
to visit Camelford to witness for myself the widespread public distress still
being caused to the local population by the absence of any detailed
examination of their symptoms. After listening for a day to the evidence presented, I
was persuaded (contrary to my briefing) that a much fuller investigation was
needed. The Lowermoor sub-group study was set up, and it reported in 2005.
However, internal machinations continued. The requirement to examine the
DoH’s handling of the incident was removed from the terms of reference. No
independent expert on aluminium toxicology was included in the working group. An
attempt was made to include Waring as medical adviser to the group, even though
he was the author of the original letter stating that no lasting ill effects
would result.
Furthermore, no objective testing of the exposed population was carried out.
Too much reliance was placed on the water sample analysis from the
South-West Water Authority, the compromised party. The amount of sludge reported to
have been in the contact tank at the time was ignored, even though it was
critical in estimating whether the concentrations people were exposed to were much
higher than might otherwise have been expected. And experts were drawn on
who had potentially vested interests in the aluminium industry.
Despite these flaws, the DoH, which appointed the chairman and secretary to
the group, pre-released a highly misleading statement of the findings two
days before the draft report was due to be made public. This, and the equally
misleading and biased executive summary prepared by the secretariat without the
group’s approval, effectively concluded that the illnesses reported bore no
connection with the water poisoning.
But the story does not end there. The wife of one of the members of the
study group died of what a pathologist described as “a very unusual pattern of
aluminium deposition in the most severely affected areas of the brain. In addition, a
45-year-old woman who had also been exposed to the most highly contaminated
water in 1988 took her own life after developing delusions and similar
medical symptoms.
It has also just come to light that the police in 1989 assembled 7,000 pages
of documentary evidence, reviewed by JW Bridges, professor of toxicology at
the University of Surrey, for the prosecution of South-West Water Authority.
But this medical evidence was never used.
This is a tragic story - at best of obfuscation and bureaucratic inertia, at
worst of downright official hostility and obstruction. One can only surmise
what political, administrative or industrial motives have been behind it.
But what is clear is that there needs to be a radical overhaul of the system
of redress if there is to be the openness, transparency and justice that
people in Britain today should have a right to expect.







